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Branching out: a diachronic prototype approach to the development of the English absolute Nikki van de Pol KU Leuven FWO - Flanders Prof. dr. Hubert Cuyckens KU Leuven Structure of the talk Theoretical background The absolute construction Prototype theory Data Methodology Data Methodology Results The development of the AC prototype The prototype-network of the PDE AC Conclusion References Theoretical background The Absolute Construction (AC) (1) The public legal obstacle having been removed, however, caution required that the final lifting of the ban depend upon the Law Society changing its rules. (BNC, Solicitors' partnerships: the law in practice. 1992) (2) But with Niki and Andre working at the ministry of finance, what else could I do? (Leuven Drama Corpus, The Duel, 1968) non-finite construction predicate + (pro)nominal subject two main types: augmented (2) or unaugmented (1) wide range of semantic relations

Prototype theory (Rosch 1975 , Cuyckens 1991, Geeraerts 1997) Categories are not uniform entities with identical members, but they are made up of a number of overlappig subcategories that all share different sets of features with each other and thus constitute a family resemblance. Members of a category are called prototypical when they display a high degree of representativeness of a given category. They are at the center of a category. The occurrence of non-prototypical member(s), i.e. members in the margin, which are not very representative, often leads to the existence of fuzzy boundaries. Prototype theory (2) TREE Cf. Traugott & Trousdale 2013: 25: partially sanctioned extensions of an existing conventionalized This approach is not construction may over time become fully sanctioned only useful to represent instances of a more general, semanticconstruction, categories, which but also schematic, has to represent categories, changed as asyntactic result of the especially when viewed with speaker/hearers experience language diachronically (Geeraerts 1997) Data Methodology Data Corpus-based research

OE + ME ( - 1500) : ca. 750 ACs YCOE corpus EModE + LModE (1500-1914): ca. 5,500 ACs most registers: PENN parsed corpora of English poetry: personal selection of poems near spoken language (LModE only): direct speech tagged fragments from the Old Bailey Corpus PDE (1968-1994): ca. 4,000 ACs most registers: BNC Drama: Leuven drama corpus Search methods For YCOE and Penn: used the corpuss parsing system; searched for AC-tags and filtered out wrong codings manually For the others: read the entire subcorpus and filtered out ACs manually Methodology Establish for each period The most prototypical kind of AC with regard to structural (case, augmentation, predicate type) as well as semantic properties New and disappearing subtypes Most important changes Establish the resulting relations between the ACs prototype structure and those of related constructions Semantics Adverbial relations CCC (3) And trust me, if Snape's cloak hadn't caught fire and broken my eye contact, I would have succeeded. Even with Snape muttering his little countercurse. (Harry Potter & the Philosophers stone, 2001) (4) With a possible diagnosis like Marburg hanging over your head, every weird pain, tummy gurgle, or itch becomes an omen. http://www.cracked.com/article_21353_6-survival-tipsfrom-professional-adventurer.html, access 28-07-2014) Temporal (5) With the tongue dead and gone, the parasite settles in and replaces the lost tongue with its own body. ( http://www.cracked.com/article_17199_the-7-most-horrifying-parasites-planet.html#ixzz2tCZ VF4FB , access 13-02-2014) (6) With Robert still fast asleep Victoria confronts Michael about helping his mother. (//www.youtube.com/watch?v=v7RMUUEpFsw&feature=fvwrel, access 20-08-2012) Semantics Elaboration relations

Postmodifier/relative clause-like: modification of a phrase (7) Several small incidents, one revolving around a pop concert, incited more students into action. (BNC, 1991) Quasi-coordinate: adds information on sentence level, equivalent to and-coordinated sentence(e.g. exemplification, addition, etc.) (8) It had eight eyes placed as is expressed in the Plate, the two middlemost in the top being the largest. (PPCMBE, 1736) = and the two middlemost in the top are the largest. (9) "Ultimately, it got a little disheartening, with Guillermo obviously feeling it more than anybody else. (http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/the-hobbit-peter-jackson-warnerbros-1-billion-79301?page=show 18-10-2012) = and Guillermo obviously felt it more than anybody else The diachronic evolution of the AC prototype Old English (14) (12) Se Hiee heora rixahere on ecnysse on tu todldon; mid amoer lmihtigan t ham fder. beon heora & amlond halgan to healdanne, gaste.hi ry oer on (10)sona 7(13) gewordenum restedge hebutan ongann on gesamnunge lran (YCOE) Solice fen

com him twelfum mid (11)& anre ymb godcundnysse anes a gres ut faran wunigende fc to deadum winnanne. hireanginne (YCOE) were heo & him. ende. wear(YCOE) (YCOE) wydewe. (YCOE) He They then And split ruled soon theirin inarmy eternity about in one two withcame, year's , one thecame, almighty part time, tohe

her befather husband keeping and hold the dead, holy of she their became homeland, the three a widow. the of other them And when the Sabbath began tothe teach inghost, the synagogue When evening Jesus arrived, Twelve with him. dwelling in divine nature, part to be without goingbeginning out in order or to end. win. (= AND the three) 100% AdjP,

Inf, PrepP Elaboration augmentation Present & Past participle dative adverbial unaugmented Nom+acc ACs 100% 100% There are some hints at the development of 90% EOE 90% 90% new types, but very marginal still: 80% predicate 80% 80% 70% Two adjectival predicate ACs, in both is cases The number of AC subtypes rather 70% 60% 70%cf. analogy with the (resultant) unidentifyable with dead 60% Present instrumental elaboration 50% limited 60% 50% participle state

meaning of the past participle (French: il case adverbialaccusative 40% PrepP 50% The case is between always adj. est mort 40% no distinction and nominative past case 30% Past participle dative case 30% 40% participle) Inf dative(/instrumental) 20% 20% 30% AdjP 10%two infinitive predicate ACs, both from the 10% The predicate types are restricted 20% 0%

same sentence (! No infinitive in the Latin 0% OE ME to present and past OE MEparticiples original) 10% 0% The semantic is adverbial, There are already a fewuse cases ininwhich one In LOE prepositional secondary phrase predicate the an OEACs develop elaboration reading might possible mostly nominative and accusative cases, this but is a none Augmentation istemporal very rare be

in Old English of these allow forisalso a unaugmented quasi-coordinate reading natural evolution, observed other Only instances were found: in two with In LOE past and present participles are still by four The AC except forcommon two with nom. ACs (dative seems languages (Bauer 2000) to block with and two after far Indo-European the most predicate

types quasi-coordinate use) Middle English (15) And e duke of Lancastir londid at Rauenesporne,, no man makyng (16) (18) (17) Thei Aftir anhaue horrybull is odoo, cherch, fyre Kyng schall e Richard women aryse sat aboue, atate mete sonne eat men Westminster, goyng be e downe ground.(YCOE) (YCOE) (YCOE) resistens. (YCOE) Other augmentors NP, AdvP accusative 100% 100% 90% 90% 80% 80%

P Withp reaugmentation70%70% P , 60% 60% Inf , jP 50% 50% Ad 40% 40% Present nominative 30% 30% participle nominative adverbial unaugmented Past participle elaboration dative Present participle PrepP unidentifyable Past instrumental participle elaboration NP accusative case adverbial Inf nominative case AdvP dative case AdjP 20% 20% 10% 10%

0%0% OE OE ME ME ME The dative case is lost from the English language in the In ME ME Adverbial presentmeanings participlesremain become thethe norm most period augmentation, especially with-augmentation became Most frequent Elaboration predicate uses typedothe increase in frequency The nominative becomes case for the common more ACs augmented bydefault a preposition areAC Past Due to scarcity of data, reliance on the

participles become somewhat less frequent When no case canand beperhaps discerned the AC isfrom traditionally reanalysed as/replaced by gerunds parsing in theInfs corpus, other augmentation types werecommon still nominative considered AdjPs, and PrepPs become more EModE onwards few (e.g. at,though); but according to Visser (1973) for the The after, accusative/oblique casepredicate remains possible AdvPs and NPs are

new types there were numerous possibilites (+- 20) and AC but its use is rather infrequent augmentation was fairly common in this period. Modern English (19) ran onbe cautiously, and the lifting you a little, we found we were in sight (20)We I cannot so unthankfull asfog to leave unsaluted in thes few lines, you of St havinge Catherine's lighthouse, Wight. (PPCMBE) given mee theIsle firstofoccasione by your kinde letter. (PPCEME) Perfective participle Other augmentors Withaugmentation elaboration Past participle f, n I

jP, d A Present participle nominative temporal unaugmented vP d ,A P N PrepP CCC-uses accusative 100% 100% 100% 90% 90% 90% 80% 80% 80% 70% 70% 70% 60% 60% 60% 50% 50% 50% 40% 40% 40% 30% 30% 30% 20% 20% 20% 10%

10% 10% 0% 0% 0% Present participle PrepP Perfective participle otherwise unidentifyable augmented Past participle elaboration with-augmented accusative case NP adverbial unaugmented Infnominative case AdvP AdjP ME MEME EModE EModE EModE EModE LModE LModE LModE LModE In ModE the ACs become more evenly Augmentation other than with With regard to pronoun semantics, elaboration

As personal subjects spread across the different predicatebecome types uses continue to increase (quasibecomes very rare (4%-1%) rare, for it isPrepP seldom possible to is a more Especially predicates there coordinate elaboration uses as well as non With-augmentation determine the case of continues the AC to rise clear increase quasi-coordinate ones) in relative frequency Present participle predicates remain Clearly oblique uses arefrequency

rare butthe remain Temporal uses retain their unaugmented ACs remain the most frequent in use Core adverbial uses decline in relative Perfective participles form a new default case frequency predicate type Present-day English (21) But anti-smoking laws have been in the news quite frequently, with newly implemented indoor smoking bans taking effect all across the UK and the U.S. ( http://www.cracked.com/article_18600_6-laws-that-were-great-paper-and-insane-everywhere-else.html#ixzz368TQIWCA, access 3006-2014) 100% Other augmentors accusative Past participle PrepPCCC-use Withelaboration augmentation Present participle nominative Time-elaboration optional withaugmentor Inf AdjP, AdvP NP, Perf. Partc.

100% 90% 90% 80% 80% 70% 70% 60% 60% 50% 50% 40% 40% 30% 30% 20% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% Present participle PrepP Perfective participle Past unidentifyable participle elaboration otherwise augmented NP accusative adverbial with-augmented case Inf unaugmented nominative case AdvP AdjP LModE LModE LModE PDE PDE PDE

PDE elaboration uses keep gaining in much change in predicate With-augmentation becomes even types Not In PDE, personal pronoun frequency (quasi-coordinate as well subjects Present participles remain the most more frequent and outnumbers have become very rare, as postmodifier like unaugmented in types) informal anddo frequent but in the fewuses cases were they spoken this happens

at expense of use (van dethe Pol & Cuyckens PrepPs participles share occur, weand canpast see that an oblique 2014) place CCC-uses second subject remains possible in remain the Other types of augmentation temporal uses remain very frequent Infinitival predicates become much margins. possible but are very marginal as well rarer The prototype-network of the PDE AC: overlap with other categories & place in larger prototype-categories FA

VG AC PP TYPICAL VG FORM TYPICAL AC FORM VG-AC overlap You will not mind my using this word (PPCMBE, 1859) Life was fraught enough for the Stevenses as it was, with the constant care of Jennifer, without her adding to their problems (BNC, 1990) a war in which the objectives can be er successfully attained er without them changing (BNC, 1985-1994) Disks, no,Yeah, I know, but with them not knowing, friend's because there's so much disk swopping. (BNC, 1985-1994) You are pointing the finger at him, them being involved in the murders. (BNC, 1990) But then I think of my big -- fat -- mother, going out there every morning and yelling at the Gardner and the postman, with this -this -- poodle clutched in her arms. And she and this poodle yelling at everyone! (KU Leuven drama corpus, 1968) These three bourgeois elements will eliminate themselves without our having to lift a finger. (KU Leuven drama corpus, 1970s) FA

VG AC PP TYPICAL FA FORM TYPICAL AC FORM AC-FA overlap I was as impatient to make these lovers a visit, having already made a friendship with Caesar (PPCEME, 1688) but they being heavy unweildy Creatures, and we assaulting them before and behind, and all round, generally conquer'd them in the end, (PPCMBE, 1744) They being partly behind him, they winked the eye, pointed the finger to each other, (PPCMBE, 1805) We walked on, and kept in conversation until we reached within a few yards of Crampton Court, at the lower end of Dame-street, I being outside, and he on my right hand. (PPCMBE, 1826) it being too late to engage that Night, they made all the necessary Preparations to give the Grecians Battle the next Day. (PPCMBE, 1707) FA VG AC PP TYPICAL PP FORM

TYPICAL AC FORM PP-AC overlap and the standard bearer had a pole with shields. (adapted from BNC, 1994) and the standard bearer had a pole with shields on it. (BNC, 1994) You could have warmed it up with a hot water bottle or a heat pad don't leave it there with the baby in it, but you can certainly warm the bed first. (BNC, 1992) With business confidence in Manila at rock bottom, President Aquino is in a specially weak position. (BNC, 1985-1994) Oh yes, said Tealtaoich, his eyes on the shadowy forest and the struggling Tree Spirits. (BNC, 1993) She gazed into the darkness, eyes dry and burning. (BNC, 1991) The larger ing-clause category (Knig & van der Auwera 1990) The AC category also fits into a larger family-resemblance structure of -ing clauses in general This structure is centered around the free adjunct as most typical member All the other ing-clauses differ from the free adjunct in one particular respect

e.g. ACs are basically free adjuncts with an expressed subject; progressives (i.e. predicative use) do not differ much from free adjuncts except that they are involved in primary instead of secondary predication object nexus predicative adverbial SS use (i.e. free adjunct) Attributive/ apposition absolutes Conclusion Conclusion It may be useful to view certain syntactic categories from a prototypetheoretical point of view The syntactic category of the AC becomes more akin to a typical prototype category over time as several layers from more prototypical to more marginal members develop and fuzzy boundaries with other categories come about This results in a closer bond with other construction types in the language, which arguably aided the ACs survival in English ( other Germanic languages) (van de Pol, Petr & Cuyckens 2014) The fact that some older reference grammars still retain the OE prototype and do not recognize the changed PDE AC category may explain why it is still sometimes argued that a PDE AC does not exist (e.g. Ruppel 2013) Conclusion (2) The most important changes were: The of elaboration uses next to the originally typical The rise increasing use diversity of with-augmentation of possible

predicate to thetypes point that adverbial uses into an optional AC-marker, rather than a it has developed typical augmentor in PDE 100% 100% 100% 90% 90% 90% 80% 80% 80% 70% 70% 60% 60% 50% 50% 50% 40% 40% 40% 30% 30% 30% 20% 20% 10% 20% 0% 10% 10% 0% 0% Present participle PrepP Perfective participle elaboration otherwise

augmented Past participle adverbial with-augmented NP unaugmented Inf AdvP AdjP OE OE OE ME EModE LModE EModELModE LModEPDEPDE MEME EModE PDE References Bauer, Brigitte. 2000. Archaic syntax in Indo-European. The spread of transitivity in Latin and French. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Berent, G. P. 1975. 'English absolutes in functional perspective'. In R.E. Grossman et al. eds. Papers from the parasession on functionalism: A paravolume to CLS 20, 10-33. BNC: The British National Corpus, later part 20th century, 100 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Oxford. (http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/corpus/index.xml? ID=intro). Cuyckens, Hubert. 1991. The semantics of spatial prepositions in Dutch: a cognitive-linguistic exercise. PhD-thesis. Antwerp.

Geeraerts, Dirk. 1997. Diachronic Prototype semantics: A contribution to Historical Lexicology. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Helsinki Corpus of English Texts: Diachronic and Dialectal, 750-1700, 1.5 m words. Department of English, University of Helsinki. Third edition, (http://icame.uib.no/ hc/). Huber, Magnus; Nissel, Magnus; Maiwald, Patrick; Widlitzki, Bianca. 2012. The Old Bailey Corpus. Spoken English in the 18th and 19th centuries. www.uni-giessen.de/oldbaileycorpus, (access 04-062013). Kohnen, Thomas. 2004. Text, textsorte, sprachgeschichte: Englische Partizipial- und Gerundialkonstruktionen 1100 bis 1700. Tbingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Knig, Ekkehard and van der Auwera, Johan. 1990. 'Adverbial participles, gerunds and absolute constructions in the languages of Europe. In Johannes Beclert, Giuluano Bernini and Claude Budart (eds.). 1990. Toward a Typology of European Languages. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 337-355. References (2) Kortmann, B. 1991. Free adjuncts and absolutes in English: problems of control and interpretation. London & New York: Routledge. Kortmann, B. 1995. 'Adverbial participial clauses in English'. In M. Haspelmath & E. Knig eds. 1995. Converbs in a cross-linguistic perspective. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 189-237. Stump, G. T. 1985. The semantic variability of absolute constructions. Dordrecht: Reidel. PPCMBE: The Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Modern British English, 1700-1914, 1 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, first edition, (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/).

Quirk, R., et al. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. Ross, Charles Hunter. 1893. The Absolute Participle in Middle and Modern English. PMLA 8.3. 245302. van de Pol, Nikki and Cuyckens, Hubert. 2013a. In absolute detail: the development of English absolute constructions from adverbial to additional-context marker. ICAME. Santiago de Compostella, 22-26 May 2013. PPCEME: The Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Early Modern English, 1500-1710, 1.7 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, first edition, (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/). Rosch, Eleanor. 1975. 'Cognitive representations of semantic categories. Journal of Experimental Psychology 104. 192-233. References (3) van de Pol, Nikki and Cuyckens, Hubert. 2013b. Gradualness in change in English augmented absolutes. In: Giacalone Ramat A., Mauri C., Molinelli P. (Eds.), Synchrony and Diachrony: A dynamic interface. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. van de Pol, Nikki and Cuyckens, Hubert. 2014. 'The diffusion of English absolutes: A diachronic register study.' In Davidse K., Gentens C., Ghesquire L. and Vandelanotte L. (eds). Corpus interrogation and grammatical patterns. Studies in Corpus Linguistics. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. van de Pol, N., Petr, P., Cuyckens, H. (2014). Why is there a Present-day English absolute?. CoLiDi. Gent, Belgium, 27-28 February 2014. Visser, Frederikus Theodorus. 1973. An historical syntax of the English language. Leiden: Brill.

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